American voters have decided. Joe Biden will be the 46th President of the United States. After an acrimonious election campaign and years of unprecedented polarization in American society, the greatest challenges facing the new president are undoubtedly those on his own doorstep. We can only hope for the American people that they will be able to once again forge a unifying vision of the future of their nation.
But what does the outcome of this election mean for us here in Germany and Europe? Numerous voices have already claimed that very little will change, with much continuing as before – particularly where contentious foreign policy matters are concerned. This is not entirely wrong. And yet, these skeptics are missing the point. Their perspective risks squandering the great opportunity afforded to Germany by this election. In the last few years, we have stood on the brink of a precipice in regard to three key issues. A great deal has been damaged, but is not yet destroyed.
Firstly, Joe Biden’s election highlights something that connects us with our cousins across the Atlantic on the most profound level. The Americans were the first to believe in German democracy after 1945. We Germans should be the last to give them lessons in democracy. Even if we had nothing else in common, we – Germans and Americans – would still be democrats. This undoubtedly brings us closer than we are to any other region in the world, certainly more so than to China or Russia.
Eighty years ago, Thomas Mann warned that: Throughout the world it has become precarious to take democracy for granted.
This is as true today as it was then. The future of democracy starts with strengthening it in our own country, not with explaining it to others. However, the future of democracy cannot be won without an idea about the democracy of the future. This is particularly true with regard to the technological innovations from Silicon Valley that are radically transforming the way in which we form our political opinions. In these issues, Americans, Germans, Europeans – democrats all – are once again venturing into the unknown. There is an irreplaceable human quality that must be preserved, namely reason. Without reason, democracy cannot function. It is a terrible spectacle when irrationalism becomes popular,
Thomas Mann observed in the Library of Congress in 1943. This is why November 3 was a good day for democracy – and not just in the United States. It was a day on which confidence in democracy was strengthened. Let us seize this opportunity to join forces with a US led by Joe Biden and reinvigorate democracy and the power of reason in our societies.
Secondly, an America that, as the most powerful country in the world, has recently devoted itself to the reckless pursuit of short term interests, will give way to an America that appreciates the importance of alliances and of allies. An America that regards its power not merely as power over others, but as power to accomplish common goals. An America whose actions are guided by a commitment to a better and more just world. An America that has a vested interest in putting the might of the law before the law of the mighty.
These ideas and ideals, which have always been at the heart of the Western political and cultural tradition influenced by an enlightened America, know no geographical boundaries. They know no skin color. They offer an alternative to retreating into nationalism, which today more than ever leads into a dead end.
The return to these shared ideals by the US is an opportunity to end the erosion of the international order. Instead of a world in which everyone is out for themselves, we have an opportunity to restore faith in the merits of cooperation. The most concrete example in this regard would be cooperation in overcoming the Covid-19 crisis. No country is as sorely missed as the US in the efforts of the international community to present a united front against the pandemic. Only with the US on board do we stand a realistic chance of ensuring fair and equitable access to treatment and vaccines for all people around the world.
The US can counter the growing threat of international anarchy, in which maximum pressure
is all that counts, with a more optimistic vision of our common future by rejoining the Paris Climate Agreement and renewing cooperation within the World Trade Organization and NATO, as well as with a view to containing Iran’s nuclear program.
Thirdly, a President Biden offers the opportunity of an American partner who once again appreciates the integration of Europe’s democracies in the European Union as a valuable and joint project. And what an opportunity it is! Let us be under no illusions after the events of the last four years: in the face of American attempts to sow division, Europe can hardly succeed in its pursuit of unity.
Even under a President Biden, Europe will no longer be as pivotal for the US as it once was. The new center of gravity for American interests and challenges lies in Asia. We must make it clear why Europe nevertheless remains important to America. This includes the realization that only a Europe willing and able to credibly protect itself will be able to keep the US in the Alliance. We Germans must understand that a strong Europe is our investment in this transatlantic relationship. This is the only way to give our partnership with the US a strategic frame able to withstand differences in individual policy areas. That is why it is so important that we Germans do everything in our power to strengthen Europe. If we invest in Europe, then other Europeans will follow our lead. This will not be easy. Moreover, it will cost us more – and should be worth more to us – than money alone. This is true in particular for our cooperation on security and defense. Our calls for a global spirit of cooperation cannot succeed from a position of weakness. Therein lies the essence of the debate on European sovereignty.
Unity on these three issues can lay the foundation for a new transatlantic understanding. We can then begin work on the many pressing problems. The world’s crises have not magically disappeared with this election – not in Syria, not in Libya, not in eastern Ukraine and not in cyberspace. Our historical experiences, our geographical proximity, and sometimes our interests are not identical on these issues. How should we deal with the increasingly robust stance and internal hardening of China? How should we deal with the all too often destructive behavior of Russia, the defiance of Turkey, the instability in the Sahel region? Here and elsewhere, we will be in dire need of joint answers. Finding them will not be easy. All the more reason not to linger for too long on congratulations, but to get down to work. All the more reason for us Germans to make our own decisive contribution. Nothing will resolve itself of its own accord. However: in the truly crucial questions, the difference between the last four difficult, even destructive years and the opportunities presented by the next four could hardly be any greater.
America has decided. Therein lies Germany’s opportunity. It is our responsibility to seize it with both hands.